Torture, violence, pressure and propaganda: what do Ukrainian children face under occupation?  

We have repeatedly reported on the political persecution of residents of occupied Crimea: torture, threats, searches, and illegal prosecution. In this way, russia is trying to suppress any resistance and force people to submit. But what is particularly worrying is that even children are becoming targets of repression. 

A 10-year-old school student from the city of Saki published a video in support of Ukraine – this turned out to be enough for the occupation police to draw up an administrative report against the girl’s mother. The case material contained a formulation familiar to the russian system – “improper performance of child-rearing duties.”  

The occupiers accused a 13-year-old boy from the village of Chornomorske of allegedly planning to carry out a terrorist attack at school on the orders of the Ukrainian Telegram channel “Atesh”. A video with a staged “confession” of the boy was published on a propaganda Telegram channel. 

In the Kherson region, schoolchildren are forced to write letters of support to the russian military. Children are encouraged with high grades. Refusal threatens with low grades, calls of parents by the administration, or threats of being denied admission to certification.  

A separate dimension of persecution is digital totalitarianism. The so-called “Crimean Federal University” has implemented a program to recognize “forbidden symbols” in students’ social networks. Technologies that were supposed to serve education have been turned into a tool of censorship.  

“At our university, we gave some students and teachers a task: to use AI to search for any violations in social networks. I know for sure that one guy was expelled for his pro-Ukrainian stance.” 

(Sources: civil resistance movement “Yellow Ribbon” and pro-russian media)  

These are just a few of the cases from open sources that illustrate how Ukrainian children in temporarily occupied Crimea are subjected to systemic psychological pressure, ideological influence, and restrictions on their fundamental rights.  

Due to the lack of access to the peninsula for Ukrainian institutions and international human rights organizations, obtaining reliable information about the scale of these violations is extremely difficult. People, especially children, are in conditions of constant surveillance and information vacuum, which makes them even more vulnerable to manipulation and coercion. Children often find themselves under pressure for expressing their national identity or disagreeing with occupation policies — even if it is expressed through words, a gesture, or silence. They are forced to attend propaganda demonstrations.

Not only are children punished for “incorrect” behaviour, but also their parents. Schools are checking backpacks and social media, and teachers are required to report “unreliable” students. These are not isolated incidents, but a systemic practice that deliberately violates the rights of the child, blurring the line between school and the security apparatus. Such actions violate the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits interference with freedom of thought, coercion to ideological submission, and psychological pressure on children. 

These practices are not new in history. Historians point to disturbing parallels between the current repressions by the occupiers and the methods of the Soviet regime, when the policy of ideological control affected even the smallest. 

In this article, we talk about real cases of pressure on Ukrainian children by the occupying authorities – together with human rights activists Daria Kasianova (Civil Union “Ukrainian Child Rights Network”) and Maria Sulialina (Centre of civil education “Almenda”). In addition – together with historian Nana Hohokhia – we trace how modern repressive practices echo Soviet methods. 

Torture chambers, sexual violence and intimidation for a pro-Ukrainian stance: what children experience under occupation 

Pressure on children in Crimea is not an isolated incident, but a systemic policy of russia, notes Maria Sulialina, head of the Centre of civil education “Almenda”. “These are neither the excesses of individual performers nor the initiative of specific schools or teachers. We see this as the implementation of a state strategy enshrined in official documents” – explains the human rights activist. 

Sulialina also draws attention to the strategy to counter extremism adopted by russia at the end of last year. According to it, any pro-Ukrainian position is equated with extremism or “deviant behaviour.” Control has been tightened in educational institutions in the occupied territories: teachers are required to take courses on identifying so-called “extremist behaviour” among children. Students and their entire families find themselves under pressure. 

“These may include forced interviews with psychologists, calls to the Centre for Countering Extremism, and interviews with parents, which are actually used to identify “unreliable” families. And even if a child is not directly challenged, he/she understands well that he/she may be punished for expressing his/her identity. This is directly discussed at “lessons on important conversations,” meetings with the military, or anti-patriotic events.” –Sulialina says. 

And this system works not only in schools. According to the human rights activist, elements of militarization and ideological pressure can be seen in both kindergartens and after-school clubs.  

“Young children are being forced into an image of the “correct” identity, institutions invite the military, law enforcement officers, who demonstrate that anything Ukrainian is hostile, extremist. There are cases when teenagers are forced to record “penitential” videos for listening to Ukrainian music or making statements, as well as publicly support putin.” – she adds. 

Since 2022, the Civil Union “Ukrainian Child Rights Network” has been helping to return Ukrainian children who were deported or remained under occupation. The head of the organization’s board, Daria Kasianova, says that after the return of children, specialists – psychologists, psychotherapists or psychiatrists – often work with them.  

The nature of the assistance depends on the experience: sometimes it concerns children who have been to russian torture chambers or have been subjected to sexual violence. At the same time, such facts may not be immediately known.  

“There was a case when a teenager was under our care for over a year, and only during a rehabilitation trip to the Carpathians did he dare to tell what happened to him.” – human rights activist shares.  

According to her, such confessions often only appear after trust in professionals is established, when the child feels safe. Sometimes it is not the child who signals a traumatic experience, but the reactions or behaviour that psychologists notice. In such cases, the team changes its approach and begins much more complex work. 

The human rights activist recalls a teenager who, after returning, did not tell what happened to him for a long time. He was taken out of the occupied territory, where he openly demonstrated his pro-Ukrainian stance. The boy was repeatedly warned at school and by his guardian that such behaviour was “unacceptable.” But he did not change his beliefs. The teenager was eventually abducted, brutally beaten and kept without food or water. He only dared to speak out when other children began sharing their traumas. 

The stories of children who have suffered sexual violence deserve special attention. This is what a 12-year-old girl deported to the russian federation faced. She spoke about an attempted rape by an employee of a russian rehabilitation centre.  

“This was presented as a kind of “form of upbringing,” – says the human rights activist. And she wasn’t the only one. Another case is a guy from Mariupol who later ended up in a shelter in the occupied part of Donetsk region. He also reported experiencing sexual violence, but for a long time refused psychological help and blamed himself for what happened. 

The team documents these and other similar cases and submits them to international institutions, including the International Criminal Court. 

According to Daria Kasianova, they rarely managed to take out children who permanently resided in Crimea. In turn, there are many stories about children from the Kherson or Kharkiv regions who, after the occupation of these regions, were forcibly taken to the territory of the peninsula by the russians. Some of them were later returned to mainland Ukraine and reunited with their families. 

There are also cases when Ukrainian families remained in Crimea, but the children, having reached adulthood, decided to leave for the controlled territory on their own. These decisions were often the result of pressure, constraints, and fear.  

“In Crimea, studying the Ukrainian language and history of Ukraine has long been banned. Parents were afraid of even hints of a pro-Ukrainian stance from their children. And teenagers who were beginning to realize their identity couldn’t understand why they didn’t have the right to be themselves.” – the human rights activist says. 

Such young people developed a deep inner rejection of imposed rules – and they chose to escape. An 18-year-old resident of the peninsula spoke about this in an interview with CrimeaSOS. Sometimes these decisions were agreed upon with parents who, despite their fear, supported their children. In some cases, it was the opposite: young men and women left the peninsula on their own, without informing their families, so as not to put them in danger. 

Thus, the persecution of children in Crimea is not an exception, but a consequence of russia’s targeted state policy in the occupied territories, which covers all levels of education and upbringing. 

Psychological pressure and the illusion of care 

Punishment, threats, control, ideological indoctrination and constant fear – this is the reality of life for many Ukrainian children in the occupied territories. And despite the fact that physical repression is not applied to everyone, psychological pressure affects almost everyone. 

Maria Sulialina, head of the Centre of civil education “Almenda”, calls this systemic intersectional pressure – when a child is simultaneously influenced by school, family, social environment, and the occupation administration. Such pressure permeates all spheres of life: “A child essentially cannot be himself/herself anywhere, because he/she is forced to hide own Ukrainian identity everywhere. Even a conversation with a class teacher or a call to the principal is a serious psychological burden,” – Sulialina explains. 

This is especially hard for children who have witnessed “betrayal” by adults they trusted. A teacher who spoke about Ukraine yesterday, today invites russian military personnel to the class and says that russia is “your homeland.” For a child, this is not just a shock – it is a destruction of support. Authorities abruptly change their position, which causes a feeling of security to disappear. 

All this is accompanied by demands for public apologies, isolation in the class society, and ideological pressure in lessons and extracurricular activities. Children develop a sense of isolation or even guilt – this is how a space is formed in which pro-Ukrainian children feel lonely. 

Another tool is creating an attractive alternative in the form of youth movements and programs. russia actively uses incentives and bribery: organizes trips to camps, gives out free clothes, equipment, backpacks with russian symbols. All of this is designed to create the illusion of care and encourage children to associate themselves with the russian state. 

“If you’re in this movement, you’re like better than others. And this is a very subtle manipulation that hits at the teenage desire to belong to something strong, fashionable, and authoritative,” – the human rights activist explains. 

In parallel, there are programs aimed at encouraging young people to leave the occupied territories and move to russia. And this is about the purposeful suppression of pro-Ukrainian identity – both at the level of psychology and demography. 

As an example of specific manifestations of this pressure, Daria Kasianova, the head of the board of the Ukrainian Child Rights Network, tells the story of a 16-year-old boy. For three years, he studied online at a Ukrainian school and did not attend an educational institution controlled by the occupiers. The mother was forced to hide her son at home and was very afraid that the neighbours would “report” about it.  

“Some children said that their laptops and gadgets were confiscated after the authorities found out that they were continuing to study according to the Ukrainian curriculum. Others were warned that it was dangerous or outright forbidden – they said, ‘Ukraine no longer exists,’” – Daria shares.  

Such an environment creates both fear in children and an internal conflict – between what they believe in and what the occupation reality demands of them. And it is precisely this zone of instability that russia’s policy is aimed at – to isolate, break, bribe or force assimilation. 

Under the cassock – propaganda: the role of the russian Orthodox Church in the indoctrination of children 

Religion became a separate tool of influence on children during the occupation – in particular, the activities of the russian Orthodox Church. According to the observations of Maria Sulialina, head of the Centre of civil education “Almenda”, the church has become one of the key channels of indoctrination: 

“The russian Orthodox Church today is not about spirituality, it is about militarization, ideological processing, and legitimization of violence,” – says Maria. 

In the occupied territories, Ukrainian churches are mostly closed or destroyed. Instead, the priests of the moscow Patriarchate actively cooperate with the occupation administrations: they provide premises to the military, support the russian army, and sometimes even conduct armed “spiritual” events with children, which violates the very essence of the mission of religion. 

The church is also integrated into the education system: priests are invited to schools for “lessons on important conversations,” speeches on the school assemblies, and extracurricular activities. They promote the ideas of “holy war” and broadcast messages that justify the actions of the russian authorities. Thus, the line between church and state disappears – religion becomes part of the repressive toolkit. 

“This is like a throwback to the times of the Inquisition or the tsarist autocracy, when the church justified any actions of the authorities. But now it is happening in schools, in front of children,” – the human rights activist emphasizes. 

Total control and a denunciation system: how the occupiers monitor children in Crimea 

The occupying authorities of Crimea use complex mechanisms to control the ideological obedience of children, especially in schools and summer camps. As Maria Sulialina explains, the entire Internet in the occupied territories is under strict surveillance: providers are required to transfer information to security agencies, and the use of VPNs is often blocked. As a result, children are effectively deprived of privacy in the online space. 

In addition, teachers are required to report any “extremist” behaviour, and failure to do so is punishable by fines. Thus, there is a forced denunciation system in schools, where students are not only encouraged, but also forced to expose those with pro-Ukrainian stance.  

The occupation authorities also actively monitor social networks – children are forced to use platforms that are completely controlled by russia, where there is no two-way encryption and all information is fully accessible to the special services. The presence of messengers that are popular outside the russian federation, such as WhatsApp, on one’s phone can be a reason for interrogations and accusations. 

This control creates an atmosphere of deep distrust among children – they are afraid to tell each other about their views, because even acquaintances can turn out to be “snitches.” Children often hide their studies in Ukrainian schools, even from their closest friends. 

What is the punishment for “disobedience”? 

The occupation authorities have built a system of punishments for those who do not show affection – and children are no exception. As Maria Sulialina, head of the Centre of civil education “Almenda”, explains, the degree of liability depends primarily on the age of the child.

If it concerns teenagers over 14 years of age, they can be held directly liable. At the initial stage, these are usually calls for “conversations” to centres for countering extremism or other structures, where the child is subjected to ideological “treatment”, intimidated, and demanded public apologies or penitential videos. However, they don’t stop there: in some cases, the child may be fined or administratively punished. 

If the child is under 14, the responsibility falls on the child’s parents or guardians. They are the ones who receive fines or summonses to “law enforcement” agencies for the child’s behaviour. 

In this practice, russia relies on its repressive arsenal of laws – in particular, articles on “disrespect for state symbols”, “discrediting the army” or “discrediting the authorities”. Although most cases so far involve adults, the risk of persecution of children is very real.

“We see how this legislation is already being applied,” – says Sulialina. – “And there is no guarantee that tomorrow it will not be applied en masse to minors.” 

The system of punishments introduced by the occupation authorities is not just a means of ideological pressure, but a gross violation of the rights of the child – the right to freedom of thought, expression of views and protection from coercion and fear. 

This is more than just a violation of the Geneva Convention or the rights of the child 

Persecution, pressure, intimidation, and forced russification of Ukrainian children in the occupied territories – are these actions classified as a war crime? Human rights activist Maria Sulialina notes that the legal assessment of this phenomenon is currently undergoing in-depth analysis. 

“We are currently working on a study that will examine how russian legislation on “extremism” is used to pressure children. But it is already obvious that these are not just individual violations, but a holistic, systemic practice,” – explains Maria. According to her, all these actions – the destruction of Ukrainian identity, the imposition of pro-russian narratives, militarization, and the creation of an atmosphere of fear – collectively can be qualified as a crime against humanity. 

“We are already seeing the consequences. There are generations of children who believed they were russian. There are those who died in the war, fighting against their country. This is more than just a violation of the Geneva Convention or children’s rights,” – the human rights activist emphasizes. 

Ukrainian and international expert organizations, in particular the Centre of civil education “Almenda”, the Regional Centre for Human Rights, and Global Rights Compliance, are working to document that the system built by russia in the occupied territories meets the legal requirements of a crime against humanity – discriminatory persecution. 

At the discussion stage was the classification of these actions as genocide – in the context of the provision of the Genocide Convention, which concerns the forcible transfer of children from one national group to another. However, this interpretation remains debatable, as a narrow interpretation of physical displacement prevails in international practice. 

“I believe that the day will come when we see these cases in the courts – not as statements in reports, but as real trials with a bench of defendants. This is important not only for establishing justice, but also for reconciliation in Ukrainian society. After all, children who grew up under occupation did not choose this reality. And if any of them sincerely believes that they are “russian,” the blame for this lies not with the child, but with the adults who purposefully violated their identity.“ –Maria Sulialina says. 

History repeats: Soviet methods in modern occupation 

Historian Nana Hohokhia compares russia’s current policy towards children in occupied territories with the Soviet system – in particular, with practices from the 1930s. In her opinion, modern russia is not simply reproducing the Soviet model, but is returning to the most rigid forms of total ideological control characteristic of the Stalinist period. 

In the 1930s, the Soviet government shaped the image of the “young fighter” – a child was supposed to be not only a citizen, but also a future soldier. Today, the russian “Youth Army” recreates the same model: children undergo military training, attend training camps, and participate in militarized games, such as “Zarnitsa 2.0.” All these structures operate under the control of the russian military and special services. 

As in Soviet times, school became a key tool of ideologization. Youth Army units officially moved to schools, dramatically increasing the number of participants. This placement allows the authorities to reach as many children as possible and destroy any alternative or resistance. 

Unlike democratic countries, where participation in such groups is voluntary, in the russian federation it is often forced. Parents who refuse to include their children in such programs face pressure from administrations and even other parents. 

Another element is the heroization of participants in the war against Ukraine. “Hero desks” are appearing in schools, dedicated to militants of the so-called “LPR” and “DPR”, including boys who grew up under occupation. This is a direct continuation of the Soviet tradition of creating a “new hero” in the image of a “faithful son of the state.”

According to the historian, what is happening is not just a repetition, but a copying of the Soviet totalitarian model, relying on its darkest tools: the militarization of childhood, the suppression of identity, and forced devotion to the occupation ideology. While this was considered the “norm” in the USSR, today we are dealing with a targeted policy of transforming Ukrainian children into citizens controlled by russia – through school, the army, fear and the cult of violence. 

From “enemy kulak” to “discrediting the army”: three goals of state control over children – then and now 

Although the official rhetoric of the Soviet government positioned children as “natural allies” of the state, in practice they became the subject to constant surveillance and controlled “upbringing.” The same logic can be traced in occupied Crimea. The state, both then and now, uses schools as the main tool of ideological influence. Historian Nana Hohokhia identifies three key approaches to children that directly resonate with contemporary russian practices: 

1. Severing the child’s connection with the family 

In the 1920s and 1930s, the family was considered potentially hostile to the Soviet government. The school, the pioneer organization, and the Komsomol were to become the main educational institutions. Raising children in orphanages was considered the ideal, as they had no family influence. We see similar approaches today, when children in Crimea are encouraged to be “loyal to the state” even against their family’s beliefs. 

2. Using children to identify “enemies” 

During collectivization, children were taught to expose “kulaks” – those supposedly responsible for the famine. They reported neighbours and even relatives for their “anti-Soviet” sentiments. Something similar can be observed today: teachers record students’ statements, and children, under pressure, sometimes report critical classmates or parents. 

3. Controlling a child’s personal beliefs 

Any dissent – ​​for example, criticizing the authorities during a school lesson – was seen as a threat. There is abundant evidence in the archives of children being punished for saying things like “aren’t we just as dependent as we were under feudalism?” Such words were considered a manifestation of anti-Soviet sentiment and prompted an investigation into the family. Similarly, today – for criticizing a “special operation” or the russian army, a child can be summoned to the Centre for Countering Extremism or forced to write a public “penitence.” 

“By the end of the 1930s, parents already knew: you have to keep quiet. A child could accidentally betray the family. The same is true today – the fear of children as potential informers is returning,” – concludes Nana Hohokhia. 

Humiliation through the collective: the authorities used shame as a tool to control children 

In the Soviet Union, public humiliation of a child for “disloyalty” to state ideology was part of a systemic approach to upbringing. The idea was simple: the child would “get corrected” through shame in front of the team. As then, today in russia – particularly in occupied Crimea – the humiliation and public discrediting of children remains part of repressive policy. 

In schools, children who had the “wrong” position or said something critical were brought out in front of the class, forced to apologize, shamed, appealing to the society. The idea: Peer pressure will break unwanted behaviour. This approach was accompanied by the formula: “If the child is ashamed, it means it worked.” 

Especially in the 1930s, children were even publicly portrayed in the press as enemies if they were of “kulak origin.” For example, the magazine “Children’s Movement” published a cartoon in 1934 in which a “kulak” child was presented as an enemy who “speaks in the language of his father.” Even phrases like “we don’t have bread, we won’t go to school” were interpreted as discrediting the government’s policies. 

The least protected children have always been a special target: they are easier to intimidate, easier to direct, easier to agitate. That is why the authorities – both Soviet and current occupying russian – make school the main instrument of influence. 

The punitive and supervisory function of schools – then and now 

In the Soviet system, school was never just an educational institution – it also performed the functions of propaganda, supervision, and control. Despite the respect and stable social status, teachers were part of this system, and their work involved ideological education of children, participation in demonstrations and public events. At the same time, many teachers tried to show humanity and reduce ideological pressure, remaining a support for children. 

The pioneer organization was an obligatory part of school life. Being accepted into the pioneers or expelled from them meant great social evaluation and could radically affect the child’s status. Thus, the school and Komsomol structures strictly controlled the behaviour of students.

Teachers and the school as a whole played a supervisory role: they monitored political sentiment, filed reports, and monitored the thoughts and behaviour of children. It was practically impossible to escape this control – a child spent most of his/her time at school, where he/she was ideologically educated and influenced. 

Today, under the occupation of Crimea, we see a continuation of this tradition – schools are becoming tools of political propaganda for the occupying authorities. Ideological control over children is being strengthened through curricula that impose subordination to the occupation regime, as well as through increased surveillance of students and teachers. Those who do not accept the official position risk succumbing to pressure from the occupiers. School in occupied Crimea is a place where children are excluded from the process of forming their own opinions and are in an information vacuum and under constant surveillance.

Due to the lack of access to the occupied territories, the scale of this policy is difficult to assess. However, it can be said with certainty that such actions contradict international norms, in particular the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which guarantees the right to freedom of thought, education without coercion, and protection from violence and discrimination.

Repression against children in occupied territories is not an exception, but a deliberate strategy. The russian government is trying not just to control the younger generation, but to shape it in its own image through schools, social media, public humiliation, and intimidation. 

These actions repeat Soviet practice, when childhood was completely subordinated to ideology, and school was an instrument of state control. What is happening today is a return to the totalitarian model. 

Occupation policies not only violate children’s rights – their long-term impact can have serious consequences for mental health, self-identity, and critical thinking skills for entire generations. That is why it is necessary to continue recording, publicizing, and international advocacy – to protect those who are currently deprived of the right to speak up.